Summary
Alarmed by Socrates' willing acceptance of his execution, Crito hastens to explain that he can and must help Socrates to escape. All it would take is a few appropriate bribes, which would not be at all difficult to manage. Crito explains that if Socrates does not escape, no one would believe that he had willingly faced execution. Instead, Crito would be accused of not having helped Socrates, and of valuing his money more than his friend's life. Socrates suggests that one should only take heed of the opinions of sensible people who will see things exactly as they turned out. To this, Crito replies that popular opinion is a powerful and dangerous force--that Socrates' own trial and sentencing are enough to suggest that the public has an unlimited capacity for doing harm. Socrates disagrees with Crito, suggesting that it is a great shame that the public does not have an unlimited capacity for doing harm, since they would then also have an unlimited capacity for doing good. However, Socrates suggests, the public cannot make a man either wise or foolish--what they achieve is determined by chance alone.
Crito next addresses the question of whether Socrates is unwilling to escape for fear of inconveniencing or endangering his friends. He makes it clear that he and all Socrates' friends are more than willing to face any kind of danger--besides which, the bribe is not an impossible sum, and there are quite a few wealthy men who can put up the money. Crito also argues that Socrates should not be afraid of living in exile, as he suggested in his defense speech (see ##The Apology##, 37a-38c): Crito has many friends, particularly in Thessaly, who would be delighted to take in Socrates and protect him.
Not only would it be easy to rescue Socrates, Crito suggests, but Socrates is acting unjustly by remaining in prison. In refusing to escape, he is treating himself as his enemies want to treat him, and so is wronging himself. Further, he will be deserting his sons before their upbringing and education has been completed. In accepting an unnecessary execution, Socrates is willingly abandoning his children and his responsibility to them. Without him, they will receive the second-rate upbringing and education that is normally reserved for orphans. A man such as Socrates, who has dedicated his life to pursuing the good, must surely not abandon his sons like this.
Lastly, Crito suggests again that Socrates' behavior will reflect badly upon Socrates himself as well as his friends, making them all appear to be cowards. Throughout, Socrates seems to have made no effort to resist his condemnation and execution: he came to court willingly, he defended himself in a brash and obviously unsuccessful manner, and now he is unwilling even to be rescued by his friends. Crito urges Socrates to agree to a ready plan to smuggle Socrates out of prison that night. If they don't act now, it will be too late.
Commentary
Crito is right in suggesting that Socrates has done absolutely nothing to avoid being executed. In fact, the authorities of Athens probably didn't want to execute him at all, hoping only to silence or exile him. Socrates could probably have avoided the whole affair by not coming to court to defend himself. And again, in court, as we witness in The Apology, he made no effort whatsoever to apologize for his actions. When found guilty, he firmly rejected the options of prison, exile, or censure, insisting that if they would let him live, they must let him live as he had always done. Thus, Socrates forced the hand of the Athenian jurors, putting them in a position where they must either execute him or let him go free. Though they may not have wanted to execute him, Socrates left them no choice.
Now, the authorities would probably be as eager as Socrates' friends to have Socrates escape and live out his years in exile. It is only Socrates' own principled stubbornness that leads to his death.
Many of Crito's arguments are quite sensible and convincing. In particular, his arguments that Socrates is behaving unjustly in allowing himself to be executed appeal precisely to some of Socrates' own thoughts. Central to Socrates' teaching is the association of goodness with knowledge and evil with ignorance. One of his more famous doctrines is that no one ever knowingly does wrong. Thus, Socrates' stated purpose in life is to bring people to greater wisdom by questioning them and revealing their ignorance. In improving people's wisdom, he makes them more virtuous. The very reason that Socrates rejects the suggestion that he abandon his teaching and live free is that he would then no longer be doing any good for the world at large, and would be abandoning his duty to the gods. Crito's appeal regarding Socrates' sons thus plays on that theme. If Socrates can improve people through his teaching and if that is his purpose in life, he would be letting his sons down unjustly if he died now, abandoning them to ignorance.
We could also read a kind of Socratic reasoning into the argument that, by submitting to his enemies, Socrates would only be helping them to do wrong. If Socrates is allowing himself to be punished just as his accusers would like, Socrates is harming himself in according himself with their intentions. If no one can knowingly do wrong, Socrates must be displaying ignorance, and therefore evil, in allowing himself to be wronged. Crito's attitude can also be understood in terms of a more traditional Greek notion, aired by Polemarchus in the first book of the Republic, that justice consists in helping one's friends and harming one's enemies. Crito here does not endorse harming Socrates' enemies, but certainly sees helping them as wrong.
One brief reply to Crito's arguments in this section comes early, in Socrates' and Crito's discussion of the public's capacity for doing harm. There, Socrates suggests that the people cannot make a man wise or foolish; they do not have an unlimited capacity for doing harm or good. Instead, he suggests, they act somewhat at random without any great capacity for good or evil at all. Thus, Crito's suggestion that the public is wronging Socrates, and that Socrates is therefore wronging himself in not fighting the verdict, becomes questionable. Socrates might be able to reply that he is not being wronged at all--that it is just fate and circumstance that have led to his execution.
Plato - The Crito - Part 5 - 46b - 50a
Summary
In response to Crito's plea that Socrates agree to be rescued, Socrates answers that Crito's enthusiasm is only well exhibited if it is right and proper. When considering arguments, Socrates suggests, one ought only to take heed of those that seem right upon reflection. It would be wrong for Socrates to abandon the arguments he propounded in the past simply because his life is now in danger. If he is to change his behavior now, it should be for reasons other than his impending death.
Crito agrees with Socrates that not all opinions are of equal value--that some are sound and some are flawed--and that one should follow the opinions of the wise, which are sound, and not of the foolish, which are flawed. The opinions of the wise in any matter come from experts in those matters. Thus, if a man considered everyone's advice regarding his health, he might not benefit, but if he listens only to his doctor, he would be much better off. Someone who disobeys or ignores the advice of his doctor will surely suffer, and his body will deteriorate.
Analogously, then, Socrates refers to the part of us which is harmed by unjust actions and benefited by just actions. (This "part of us," left ambiguous here, is referred to as the soul in later works of Plato's.) Socrates suggests that this part of us is far more valuable than the body, and that life would hardly be worth living if it were damaged. In this case, it is of even greater importance not to take anyone and everyone's advice, but to listen only to experts who know best how to handle such matters. Crito, then, is wrong to worry about public opinion regarding matters of justice: he should ignore it altogether, paying heed only to those who are wise about justice. In response to Crito's objection that, though they may be ignorant, the public has the power to put a man to death, Socrates replies that this has no bearing on the argument whatsoever. After all, Socrates is not concerned with what he must do in order to live, but what he must do in order to live well--that is, honorably and justly. Thus, Socrates and Crito should not worry about the public or about Socrates' sons or anything else, but should ask themselves only whether or not arranging an escape would be just and honorable.
Agreed upon this point, Socrates moves to a variation of one of his more famous claims: that no one can ever knowingly do wrong. Here, he suggests that one should never, under any circumstances, knowingly commit an injustice. So even in retaliation, it is wrong to inflict an injury upon someone who has wronged you, since inflicting injury is a form of injustice. Socrates also persuades Crito that one does injury, and therefore injustice, in breaking an agreement. His conclusion, then, is that if he leaves his prison without first persuading the state to let him go, he is breaking his agreement to abide by the laws of the state, and is thus causing the state an injury. Crito confesses that Socrates' reasoning has left him confused.
Commentary
The most interesting and most famous part of the Crito comes in the sections that follow, where Socrates imagines the voice of the Laws of Athens explaining why he should stay in prison and face death. By personifying the laws in this speech, Socrates will treat the agreement between the individual and the state in the same way as he might treat an agreement between two individuals. Even in this section, we get a sense of Socrates' rhetorical thrust in several cases of personification. At 46b, he refers to arguments as his "friends," suggesting that he shouldn't listen to the advice of all his "friends," but only to the sound ones. At 48a, he speaks of the truth is as being on the side of the expert in affairs of justice. Finally, at 49e-50a, Socrates discusses the question of persuading the state to let him go, and whether he would be breaking his agreement with the state if he escaped. In these acts of personification, Socrates casts all political and ethical matters as an interaction between two people. Political matters, in spite of their complexity, are just the same as personal matters except one is dealing with one's relationship with the state and its laws rather than with a close friend.
A salient issue in the Crito is the question of how consistent it is with other Platonic dialogues--the early dialogues in particular. A number of possible inconsistencies raise themselves in this section (though the most important ones are raised later, in the speech of the Laws of Athens). At 46b, Socrates speaks of "the arguments which I used to expound in the past," a claim which sounds more like Plato than Socrates. Socrates consistently claims that he has no arguments of his own, that he is only interested in exposing the weaknesses of others' arguments. At the same time, his claims that no one ever knowingly does wrong, or that knowledge is virtue, do seem like arguments, and here he seems to accept this. Later in his career, Plato would use the character of Socrates to argue for many other doctrines as well.
In Socrates' discussion of injustice, we find a number of familiar themes: that there are experts in ethical matters and that one should not take just anyone's opinion as though it were of equal value, and that no one ever knowingly or willingly does wrong. However, at the same time, his equation of doing injury with injustice is again questionable. (Elsewhere, in the Gorgias, it is argued that an injury done to a wrongdoer in punishment is for the good of the wrongdoer.) Here, Socrates seems to be firm in his opinion that no injurious action can be just.
Plato - The Crito - Part 6 - 50a - 51c
Summary
In order to clarify his position to Crito, Socrates depicts the Laws of Athens confronting and questioning him about his desire to escape. The Laws point out to Socrates that if he does indeed decide to disobey them and escape, he will effectively be destroying the Laws, and the whole State as well. If private individuals can disobey and nullify laws when they please, the Laws will no longer have any effect or any importance, and so the State will fall into chaos. The State is only held together by the Laws, and the Laws are only binding if they hold no matter what the circumstances. If Socrates should suggest that the State has committed an injustice against him by making a faulty judgment at his trial, he imagines the Laws would reply that he had agreed to abide by whatever judgments the State should make. After all, the Laws are not to be accepted piecemeal, but either entirely or not at all.
The Laws then point out the role they have played in shaping Socrates, and how important their relationship is. It was through the Laws that his parents were married and were able to give birth to Socrates. The Laws then provided for his upbringing and education, ensuring that he received adequate training in music and gymnastics. From this, the Laws suggest that their relationship with Socrates is similar to that of a father with his son, or of a master with his slave. In these relationships, the son or slave has no right to retaliate if he is punished for wrongdoing, and certainly should not destroy his father or master simply in order to protect himself. The Laws go even further to suggest that one's ties to one's country are even stronger than one's ties to one's family, and so it is even more important to respect the judgments of the Laws. Just as one should be willing to suffer and die for one's country in battle rather than flee to save oneself, one should also be willing to suffer and die according to the Laws rather than to destroy them by trying to save oneself. If Socrates is to avoid being executed, he must persuade the Laws that they punish him unjustly rather than simply fleeing, which would disrespect and destroy the Laws.
Commentary
The portrayal of the Laws of Athens as a voice that enters into dialogue with Socrates is not only a stylistic choice, but one that deeply informs the arguments that Socrates makes. Justice, for the ancient Greeks, consisted in obligations to other people: an unjust action is one that is detrimental to others. Thus, for Socrates (or perhaps Plato) to argue that it would be unjust for him to leave his cell, he must be clear against whom an injustice would be committed. He cannot simply be acting unjustly, but must rather be injuring someone in particular.
Certainly, if ##The Apology## is any indication, Plato and other followers of Socrates have little sympathy for Meletus, and the others who brought Socrates to trial and then sentenced him to death. Plato would not want to suggest that Socrates somehow has an obligation to his accusers to stay, and that he would be behaving unjustly toward them if he escaped. The question then, is whom would he be behaving unjustly toward in escaping? The only possible answer is the State itself and the Laws of the state. But since one can only act unjustly toward another person, it is necessary for Socrates to personify the Laws of Athens in order to justify his position.
Also worth noting is that Socrates personifies the Laws in the role of parents. They were responsible for his birth, and for raising and educating him. His real parents are effectively reduced to being agents of the Laws. By doing this, Socrates greatly clarifies his obligation to the Laws. While the Laws may seem like abstract, ancient, and distant entities to which one is bound only for fear of punishment, Socrates portrays them as living beings that have nurtured and raised him, who will suffer if he disregards them. With this new twist, it becomes far more problematic to justify breaking the Laws.
On the other hand, it is clear (from The Apology) that Socrates' trial was far from fair, and that he is not truly guilty of the crimes he has been condemned for. As a result, we have every reason to believe that Socrates himself has been wronged. Some scholars have suggested that in allowing himself to die, Socrates is complacently accepting an unjust application of the Laws, and in so doing is allowing the Laws to fall into disrepute. Socrates' method of elenchus, or cross-examination, which is central to his philosophy, consists in showing his interlocutors that they are mistaken in their claims. Surely this method should apply to his parents, or to the Laws as well. If they are mistaken in punishing him, he should not have to abide by their punishment, but should rather expose their injustice, doing both himself and them a favor.
One might reply in Plato's defense that the Laws do not claim that they should be obeyed no matter what, but rather that they must be persuaded of their mistake rather than simply disobeyed. Thus, if Socrates can persuade the Laws that he is wrongfully imprisoned, he should be free to leave without acting unjustly. The clear difficulty here is one of distinguishing between the Laws themselves and the human accusers who have sentenced Socrates. In The Apology, Socrates failed to convince his accusers that he was innocent, and they used the Laws to sentence him to death. Is there any way for Socrates to persuade the Laws that he should be allowed to go free without also having to persuade his accusers? And if he must persuade his accusers in order to change the Laws, that would suggest that the two are the same: if we believe that his accusers have acted unjustly in sentencing him, then the Laws might also be guilty of injustice. Clearly, Plato's choice to personify the Laws of Athens is not without problems.
Plato - The Crito - Part 7 - 51c - 53a
Summary
Socrates continues the speech of the Laws of Athens by appealing to a kind of social contract that exists between the Laws and the citizens. The Laws, as Socrates already suggested, have given him birth, have raised him and educated him, and have shared the wealth of Athens with him and his fellow citizens. All this the Laws do for their citizens before they even reach manhood. Upon attaining manhood, the age at which citizens are meant to be able to think for themselves, they are free to review the Laws and the State, and if they do not like what they see, they are free to take their property and go wherever they please. However, if they choose to stay in Athens, they are actively submitting themselves to the Laws of Athens, and must abide by them no matter what. So the Laws are willing to allow discontents to leave Athens without forfeit, and are willing to be persuaded to change, but if one does not leave and does not persuade the Laws to change, then one must abide by them. If Socrates were to try to escape he would be breaking the Laws rather than following any of these just actions.
Furthermore, the Laws point out, Socrates would be more guilty than most because he has, until now, endorsed Athenian Law and the Athenian way of life. Socrates has only left Athens on a handful of occasions--once to attend a festival, and the other times to do military service in wars on behalf of the state. Unlike most Athenians, Socrates has never traveled or acquainted himself with the customs or laws of other people: he has been perfectly happy in Athens. Also, at his trial (recorded in ##The Apology##), Socrates dismissed the possibility of exile, saying he'd prefer to die than live outside of Athens. It would be strangely inconsistent for him to refuse exile when it was offered to him freely, and then to flee Athens when the Laws no longer permit him to do so.
The Laws conclude, then, that Socrates has no reason to break the Laws now: he has had every opportunity to leave or disagree, and the Laws have made no effort to deceive him in any way. In fact, until now, Socrates has expressed great satisfaction with the Laws. If Socrates is to avoid becoming a laughing-stock, he must stick by his agreement with the Laws now as he has always done.
Commentary
Plato introduces a kind of social contract that binds the citizens to the Laws. We should be wary, though, of equating this social contract theory with our modern, liberal notion of the social contract, as presented by Rousseau. In Rousseau's idea of the social contract, the state (or sovereign) is a direct consequence of the general will of the people, and the social contract is an agreement between citizens to live in harmony together under laws. For Plato, the agreement is not made between citizens, but between the individual citizen and the Laws. As we saw in the previous section, the personification of the Laws is a crucial move in Plato's argument, as it allows an agreement to exist directly between the Laws and the people. We might characterize the difference between Plato and Rousseau by saying that for Plato, the Laws are real entities (an idea that might follow from his Theory of Forms), whereas for Rousseau, they are abstract constructions made by and for the people.
The idea behind Plato's social contract is that any citizen who reaches the age of manhood should be able to decide for himself whether or not the Laws suit him, and if they do not, he should be free to leave the city. The age of manhood in Athens was set at seventeen, at which time youths would undergo an examination which would formally confirm their citizenship. Those who become citizens have thus explicitly agreed to obey the Laws of the city, and anything they do to break them will be a breach of this agreement.
However, in presenting the Laws as commands to be obeyed, Plato is portraying the Laws as quite tyrannical. If we are to follow Plato's analogy and treat the Laws like parents in a position of great authority, they are the kind of parents who expect their children to do whatever they say. Granted, the Laws can be persuaded into modification, but even so, the relationship between the citizens and the Laws is one of obedience and commandment. The Athenians were fiercely proud of their democracy, one in which justice and law were agreed upon by the majority. Plato's portrayal of the Laws sees Athens more as an enlightened dictatorship, where the people do not create the law, but merely live under its benevolent power. w(Interestingly, this view of the state is more like the ideal state Plato envisions in the Republic, and less like the actual historical Athens.)
Plato - The Crito - Part 8 - 53a - 54e
Summary
The Laws of Athens conclude with an ominous warning as to what would happen if Socrates were to break them and escape. First, his friends would run the risk of banishment or worse for having helped him. Second, he would be unlikely to find welcome in any other town he visited. After all, what city with well-formed laws would welcome a man who had broken the laws of the city that had been his home for seventy years? If anything, he would be confirming Athens' verdict against him (that he corrupts the young), since a man who wantonly destroys the laws is certain to have a bad influence on the young. And if he were allowed into these cities, he could not resume his old way of life, wandering about and questioning citizens in order to improve them. How could he then maintain his teachings that goodness, justice, institutions, and laws are of the highest value to civilized people? His only option would be to live the life of a vagabond or runaway in some lawless part of Greece, where at best, he might have some laughs at the ridiculous lengths to which he had to go to escape Athens and civilization. All this would also show an unseemly greediness, clinging to life at such an old age.
The Laws then address the question of who should care for Socrates' sons, one of the strongest reasons Crito provided for Socrates to stay alive. Would Socrates be doing his sons any great favor by running away with them to some lawless land? And if he leaves them behind in Athens, what difference does it make if he is exiled in another land or dead? Surely, if his friends are at all good, they will ensure that his sons are well brought up, regardless of whether he is alive and exiled or dead.
Further, Socrates imagines the Laws as addressing themselves to the question of his fate after this life. He has lived a just and pious life, so he should fare well when he comes before the judges of the underworld. However, if he were to escape now, not only would he live in a lawless land, despised by his fellow-citizens, but he would also suffer in the underworld for having acted unjustly. As it is, he has been wronged by the people of Athens, not by the Laws, and will die a victim who has lived well and been killed unjustly. But if he returns this injustice, and hurts the Laws because of the wrongs done him by the people, he will be acting unjustly and the laws of Hades will punish him accordingly.
Socrates claims to hear the voice of the Laws of Athens clearly, and that they have persuaded him to stay. Crito accepts Socrates' words and makes no further effort to persuade him to leave.
Commentary
If we were not satisfied with the Laws' appeal to justice, their prediction of Socrates' possible life in exile seems quite convincing. Socrates is very explicit in ##The Apology## about the importance of his way of life. In his famous statement that "the unexamined life is not worth living," Socrates suggests that life only has meaning and importance through the philosophical process of questioning oneself and others. If he were to flee Athens and live in a lawless land, all the reasons he currently has for wanting to be alive would disappear. He would be unable to engage in any kind of philosophical discourse, he would be banned from any just and reasonable city, and his sons would either have to be raised in this state of lawlessness or he would have to be separated from them permanently. Also, consistency is a very important virtue to Socrates: he has willingly been sentenced to death rather than be inconsistent in his behavior or way of life. To flee now would be to succumb to inconsistency and make a mockery of his life up to now.
Socrates' discussion of the underworld is a bit puzzling. As we discussed earlier, as he approaches death, he seems to gain greater confidence as to the nature of the afterlife, so it should not surprise us that he now speaks of the judges of the underworld (when in The Apology he denied that anyone could know what happens after death). What seems odd is again this distinction between the people who have accused and sentenced him and the Laws by which they have sentenced him. Plato would like to say that the Laws themselves are just, but that the people have acted unjustly. The reason Socrates must stay in prison is that he must show deference to the Laws, not to the people. Plato seems to want to put the blame for Socrates' imprisonment and execution on the people, saying that Socrates will die a victim who has been wronged unjustly. But if the people are the ones who punish him, why is it the Laws that suffer if Socrates escapes? If the Laws are destroyed if Socrates escapes, that would suggest that it is through the Laws that he is imprisoned. But if he is imprisoned wrongly, and if this is in accordance with the Laws, then it would seem that the Laws are unjust and thus deserve to be broken.
Plato is trying to mark a distinction between the Laws themselves and the legislators, one of his reasons for trying to embody the Laws in a voice distinct from any particular person or people. But if we unpack Plato's argument, it seems that there must be a contradiction somewhere. To review: Socrates is imprisoned either justly or unjustly. If he is imprisoned justly, that means he has done wrong and deserves to be punished, a claim that Plato would never want to make. Therefore, he is imprisoned unjustly. If he is imprisoned unjustly, he is being wronged either by the Laws or by the people. Again, it is clear that Plato wants to argue that he is being wronged by the people. Now if the people are wronging Socrates unjustly, that means that they are wronging him in a way that is not in accordance with the Laws. Thus, Socrates should not be breaking the Laws in trying to break free from prison.
The only possible answer is a rather tyrannical one, that the Laws are good and are created for good purposes, but must be obeyed no matter what, and it is up to the people to carry that out. The laws against corrupting the young and preaching false deities are just, and if one is found guilty, one ought to be punished. The problem is that the people have not carried out the application of these laws in a just manner by condemning Socrates. Nonetheless, trial by jury is a part of the Laws; the Laws are inflexible, and if Socrates is found guilty by jury then he is guilty according to the Laws. This picture of the Laws, however, does not seem as just or as reasonable as one might like.